Yorkshire and Humber's 'hidden' minority

Sue Adamson, Research Fellow in Criminology, University of Hull
Bankole Cole, Lecturer in Criminology University of Hull
Gary Craig, Professor of Social Justice, University of Hull
Ian Law, Director, Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies, University of Leeds

The Chinese population can lay claim to being the hidden ethnic minority group in the region despite being ubiquitous (most of all through the presence of the stereotypical 'take-away, found in all of the smallest towns of the region, from Cross Hills to South Cave). The Chinese form the ethnic minority, in fact, which is most likely to be present in every part of the region. The Chinese population's claim to being hidden is in part due to the fact that it is present in relatively small numbers (but spread more evenly across the whole region unlike some minority groups which are highly concentrated in one or two locations (See the articles on minority groups in the past three issues of the Regional Review, and Darr, A., Atkin, K. and Craig, G. (2004) Minority ethnic groups in a rural labour market, York: North Yorkshire Learning and Skills Council.)); and partly because it is relatively under-researched. This is in turn a reflection of the fact that it is both culturally more resistant to having a prominent public face and assumed by public policy to be 'doing well'. Yet its impact in the region is growing and becoming more important. Chinese students, for example, form a significant proportion of overseas students in the region's Universities; and at school level, Chinese school students are one of the two groups (Indians are the other) with the most impressive overall levels of achievement in terms of examination results (DfES statistics).

In this article, we set the national context for an analysis of the Chinese population in the region; analyse what we know about it from the census; and summarise the findings of recent research undertaken within the region. The article points, based on national and some local research, to the need for much stronger policy and service initiatives targeted on the Chinese population in the UK and in the region.

The national context

The first important point to make is that the UK's Chinese population is itself quite diverse, constituting at least five major groupings: Hong Kong Chinese, Mainland Chinese, UK Born Chinese, Singapore and Malaysia Chinese, and those from other countries. China itself is a diverse nation with over forty ethnic minority groups identified. There are many other smaller groupings as the Chinese have traditionally been a migrant population, sometimes involuntarily so as a result of ethnic conflict. As with other minorities which are actually formed from several sub-minorities (See for example, P. Enneli et al (2004) Young Turks, York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, which analyses the differential experiences and progress of mainland and Cypriot Turks and Turkish Kurds.), there are different characteristics and differential patterns of socio-economic attainment between these different sub-groupings. For example, those Hong Kong Chinese having a 'very good' written English level was found by a recent national study (Chan et al. 2004) to be less than one-third the level of those from Singapore and Malaysia; similar differences were found in terms of levels of education, and in terms of household income. This suggests, given the high levels of attainment by some Chinese school pupils, a marked differentiation within the Chinese population in terms of these kinds of indicators. The same study reported that the financial problems of some older Chinese people in the UK 'reveal the limitations of the caring capacity of Chinese families, which are thought to be self-sufficient, supported by a strong filial piety'. In reality, as with South Asian groups, the stereotype of 'they look after their own, don't they' often introduced by agencies which lack the skills, expertise or commitment to work with diversity, as a rationalisation for not intervening in minority communities, is a myth and no more the case than it is in white UK families. This implies a need for stronger and more proactive support from social services, both for older people and also for children. The study found that those Chinese people running take-aways found it extremely difficult to balance work and family demands and consequently often had difficulties with parenting, with supporting their children's education and maintaining good family relationships. This detailed account challenges official views of a uniformly successful minority group needing little support.

A recent Cabinet Office report (2004) which sets out a national assessment of inequalities facing ethnic minorities in employment, housing and education has suggested that 'Chinese are, on average, doing well, and often out-performing Whites in school and in the labour market. Their success shows that there are no insuperable barriers to successful economic and social integration' (Cabinet Office 2004:1). This seriously flawed statement reproduces the myth of Chinese successful integration in British society. In reality, many Chinese people live harrowing, isolated lives in deprived conditions, lacking integration within their own community let alone wider society. Many Chinese households are poorly integrated into their own community, that community and its organisations are poorly integrated at a local level, local Chinese communities are poorly integrated with other Chinese communities in Britain and there is little integration of the Chinese diaspora across different countries. Of all established minority ethnic communities in Britain, research suggests it is the Chinese who have one of the weakest set of perceptions of being part of British society and of their citizenship rights, for example in claiming benefits (Law et al. 1994; Law 1996).

Nationally, Chinese people as a whole:

are more likely than any other minority ethnic group to be subject to racial harassment and racially motivated property damage (16% of Chinese adults) (Modood et al. 1997:266)
work the longest hours of any minority group (Owen 1994 cited in Jones 1998: 19)
are more likely to live in households whose incomes are less than the national average (34% compared to 28% of white people)
are twice as likely to be unemployed as white people
are more likely to be unable to understand the language used by their doctor (33% of Chinese adults)
live in deprived areas and in poorer quality, overcrowded housing conditions.

(Cabinet Office 2000, 2003, 2004)

In examining Labour Force Survey data for 1998-2000 set out in Mason (2003:72) it is clear that the unemployment rate for Chinese women (10.5%) is very close to the unemployment rate for Black Caribbean women (11.5%) and all South Asian groups (11.5%). For Chinese men the unemployment rate (11.8%) is approximately the same as it is for South Asian groups (12%). The figures for both Chinese female and male unemployment rates are approximately double that of white women (4.9%) and white men (6.1%).

Official neglect of the needs of Chinese people can be frequently seen in reports which either fail to collect adequate data to say anything meaningful, or, worse still, fail to mention this group altogether. The National Health Service's statement of key concerns about ethnicity and health addressed the needs of African-Caribbean and Asian people and failed to mention the needs of the Chinese at all (Balarajan and Raleigh 1995). The 2004 Cabinet Office report does however acknowledge that 'the Chinese are not doing as well as they should be' and that the Government needs to establish a framework for action to address the needs of the Chinese, as well as those of other groups. The most detailed government account of Chinese needs was set out in the 1985 Home Affairs Committee report on the Chinese in Britain. Twenty years on, many problems affecting Chinese communities in Britain remain relatively unchanged: 'Lack of English, ignorance or their rights, cultural differences, scattered settlement and long unsocial hours together constitute a formidable barrier to full participation in British life' (para 27, 1985).

Chinese communities face a series of problems, which have gone unnoticed partly because, 'we are not a vocal community' (para, 1, 1985). All these issues require urgent attention and local research, described below, is concerned to identify how these issues impact at a local level, what forms of intervention are particularly needed and to identify issues that have received very little attention within Chinese communities themselves including domestic violence, disability and mental health.

Chinese families, in short, have a range of needs which are only now beginning to emerge: one important area appears to be in health difficulties and communication difficulties with health and social services workers. This suggests that much better use by public agencies of translation and interpretation facilities would be important, with a recognition of the diverse language needs (covering Cantonese, Mandarin and other less prevalent Chinese languages). Another issue is the impact of racism and racist assault: the fact that Chinese people often work in isolated locations (including some of the more rural areas) leaves them more exposed to racist violence and abuse. The national study undertaken by Chan (et al). found a distrust of the police which, it was widely felt, did little to protect them or their premises. Many respondents 'passively accepted the reality of racism'. Although there is a network of Chinese organisations within the UK, most of the key organisations are based in larger cities and some Chinese people feel particularly isolated and unsupported. Mainland Chinese people, many of whom have been in the UK for less than five years, are probably most at risk of isolation.

The UK Chinese population distributions

Chinese people form one of the smaller minorities in the population of England, less than one quarter of a million and 0.45% of the total population in 2001 (see Table 1). This compares with percentages of Indian 2.09, Pakistani 1.44, Bangladeshi 0.56, Black African 0.97 and Black Caribbean 1.14. While this Chinese population is, like other minorities, concentrated in London, unlike other groups the Chinese population forms more than 0.2% of the total population in each of the English regions, including Yorkshire and the Humber. Table 1 also shows that the Chinese population is increasing, with a 56% increase for England but a variation across the regions from 90% in the South West to only 34% in the North East.

Table 1 Chinese population in English Regions 1991-2001

	1991			2001			Change 1991-2001 %
	Total population	Chinese	Chinese %	Total population	Chinese	Chinese %
East Midlands	3,953,372	7,588	0.19	4,172,174	12,910	0.31	70
East of England	5,055,515	12,494	0.25	5,388,140	20,385	0.38	63
London	6,679,699	56,579	0.85	7,172,091	80,201	1.12	42
North East	2,543,569	4,519	0.18	2,515,442	6,048	0.24	34
North West	6,726,860	17,803	0.26	6,729,764	26,887	0.4	51
South East	7,500,054	18,226	0.24	8,000,645	33,089	0.41	82
South West	4,609,424	6,687	0.15	4,928,434	12,722	0.26	90
West Midlands	5,150,187	9,588	0.19	5,267,308	16,099	0.31	68
Yorkshire and Humber	4,836,524	8,177	0.17	4,964,833	12,340	0.25	51
England	47,055,204	141,661	0.3	49,138,831	220,681	0.45	56

The increase for Yorkshire and the Humber is close to the national average at 51%: this of course is a much faster rate of population growth than for the UK population as a whole. Although the Yorkshire and Humber Chinese population is relatively small, there are wide variations within the region (Table 2) and, as noted earlier, there are significant Chinese communities in all the local authorities in the region. (Source for Tables and figures: 2001 census data)

Table 2 Chinese population in Yorkshire and Humberside

	1991	2001	% total population 2001	% Change 1991-2001
Barnsley	197	246	0.11	25
Bradford	720	896	0.19	24
Calderdale	180	287	0.15	59
Doncaster	412	523	0.18	27
East Riding of Yorkshire	270	401	0.13	49
Kingston upon Hull	537	749	0.31	39
Kirklees	491	611	0.16	24
Leeds	2,066	3,447	0.48	67
N.E. Lincolnshire	212	248	0.16	17
N. Lincolnshire	229	291	0.19	27
N.Yorkshire	568	1,002	0.18	76
Rotherham	218	303	0.12	39
Sheffield	1,330	2,201	0.43	65
Wakefield	395	493	0.16	25
York	325	642	0.35	98

The main concentrations are in Leeds, Sheffield and York and these authorities also show the greatest increases since 1991, particularly in York where the Chinese population has nearly doubled. North Yorkshire also has a significant Chinese community in numbers, although not in proportion of the total population, and this community is growing at a considerably greater rate than the national average: this population contains those most at risk of isolation from their peers and from appropriate services.

Figure 1 Chinese population in West Yorkshire

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Figures 1 and 2 show that these communities are not confined to the main urban areas but are widely distributed. In West Yorkshire the principle concentration is in Leeds and, to a lesser extent Bradford, but there are few wards which where no Chinese people are resident, whether they are Pennine moorlands or the lower lying agricultural areas. In North Yorkshire, Chinese people are concentrated in York and Harrogate, with largest single ward population, of 185, in Heslington in York (the University ward). However there are also significant communities in most medium-sized and small towns across the area, particularly Skipton, Scarborough and Ripon. There are small Chinese communities in upland areas such as Penyghent, in the Ouse plain, the Vale of Pickering and Richmondshire. This implies a need for service and policy agencies in all areas of the region to be aware of the need to consult with and address the needs of the local Chinese population.

Figure 2 Chinese population in North Yorkshire

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Settlement patterns in the South Yorkshire and Humber sub-regions show a similar picture, with some concentration in urban areas but Chinese populations being present also in the more rural areas.

Local action research work

During the late 1980s and early 1990s all Chinese community organisations in Leeds became united in their efforts to identify their own community needs, establish their concerns on local political and policy agendas and secure resources for community based activities and service provision. This activity was supported by the collection of relevant research data drawing on fieldwork with Chinese households and businesses. The subsequent report and recommendations made a strong case for urgent action (Law 1990). As a result of this activity a variety of new initiatives and organisations developed including the establishment of Leeds Chinese Community Association and the establishment of the Chinese Community Centre, on North Street, with the assistance of Urban Programme funding.

A new report was produced in December 2004 (Law 2004). This report and its associated programme of work was commissioned by Chinese community groups based on a continuing recognition that community needs were not being adequately met, community organisations needed greater support and that key issues affecting the local Chinese community were often given little institutional attention. This project was funded by a Health Action Zone grant and by Leeds City Council. This project was conceived as an action research initiative, which means that community-based skills development, empowering community organisations and building collective agendas and initiatives have gone hand in hand with more normal research methods techniques in collecting data and identifying various forms of need.

The project was managed by a steering group including representatives of Chinese community organisations who initially identified a core set of community concerns. A team of ten Chinese women were trained in fieldwork techniques and they carried out a survey of 110 adults. Each member of the team also provided a personal report of their experiences of doing this fieldwork together with their own observations on the issues addressed. Focus groups were carried out with representatives of Chinese organisations and at Leeds Chinese Community School, and additional material was drawn from interviews with some members of the Chinese community.

The Chinese population of Leeds is a 'community of communities' covering three broad groups;

an established community of households primarily from Hong Kong and the New Territories which is enumerated in the Census as being about 3,500 people
a large transient population of students from mainland China
a more hidden group of illegal residents, refugees and asylum seekers roughly estimated at about 1-2,000

Despite misguided perceptions that Chinese households are doing well in comparison to other ethnic minority communities, the study confirmed that many urgent problems and issues remain hidden with little attention being paid by public services. This study examined housing, health and social care needs and the challenges that face both community groups and mainstream service providers, and its key findings are set out below. These again confirm the findings of the few serious national studies that have been undertaken of the Chinese population.

High levels of violence and deprivation are suffered by Chinese people in Britain.
The local Chinese population in Leeds is rapidly growing, particularly with the settlement of migrants from mainland China. Households are becoming smaller as traditional patterns of family support are declining.
Chinese households are both increasingly concentrated in inner city areas with others being isolated and scattered across all city wards. 42% of Chinese people surveyed felt isolated where they lived.
Persistent poor housing conditions are generating strong demand for help and advice. One- third of Chinese households surveyed were living in housing in poor physical condition with multiple problems of general disrepair, leaking roofs and damp. About a fifth were overcrowded and living with inadequate cooking, toilet and bathroom facilities. Just under a half of this group wanted to move primarily because of poor conditions and expressed the need for help with meeting their housing requirements.
High levels of racist violence were identified with about 80% reporting problems. Domestic violence was also identified as an issue requiring urgent attention.
Poor physical and mental health, lack of attention to disability issues and problems in accessing health services were all identified as causes of concern. Over half of respondents said mental stress and lack of physical exercise were problematic.
Chinese elderly are increasingly in need of improved housing, social care and health service provision. Social Services were unknown by many in the Chinese community, and the urgent needs of many Chinese individuals were often unknown by service providers.
Improving support for single parents was identified as a further priority issue.
At school, racism and bullying of pupils and poor communication with parents was highlighted, together with high educational aspirations.
Community organisations identified the need to work together to both overcome their own exclusion and to realise significant improvements in the lives of Chinese families. This is to be achieved through building a collective agenda for action and campaigning around the issues identified in this study.

Mr X has lived in Leeds with his family for twenty years. Over the last few years kids have thrown stones and excrement into their windows and doors, and fireworks through their letter box. They have phoned the police many times and were very disappointed when the police didn't turn up.

Mrs Y has faced constant abuse from her husband since she arrived in the UK six years ago. After some time in a refuge she was moved into a council property where she remains with constant threats from her husband, increasing depression and little English.

Summary

In conclusion, then, national research indicates a wide variety of largely hidden and unmet needs in the UK Chinese population as well as a need to recognise diversity within this population. The limited amount of research undertaken within the region confirms these findings and suggests that considerable improvement is needed in targeted policy and service initiatives, as well as further research into the needs of the region's Chinese population. This work needs to recognise that the Chinese population is present in virtually the whole of the region, and to respond to the differential situation of those living in urban and rural areas.

References

Balarajan R. and Raleigh S. (1995) Ethnicity and Health in England, London: HMSO.

Cabinet Office (2000) National Strategy for Neighbourhood Renewal, Minority Ethnic Exclusion and Neighbourhood Renewal, (www.cabinet-office.gov.uk/seu/2000/bmezip/01.htm)

Cabinet Office (2003) Ethnic Minorities and the Labour Market: Interim Analytical Report (www.emlm.gov.uk)

Cabinet Office (2004) Ethnic Minorities and the Labour Market: Final Report, (www.number-10.gov.uk/su/ethnic%20minorities/report/ex_summary.htm)

Chan, C.K., Bowpitt, G., Cole, B., Somerville, P. and Chen, J. Y. (2004) The UK Chinese People: diversity and unmet needs, Nottingham: Nottingham Trent University.

Home Affairs Committee (1985) Chinese Community in Britain, London: HMSO

Law, I., Karmani A., Deacon A. and Hylton C. (1994) 'The Effect of Ethnicity on Claiming Benefits: Evidence from the Chinese and Bangladeshi Communities', Benefits no. 9 pp. 7-11

Law I. (1990) Feasibility Study for the establishment of Leeds Chinese Community Centre, Leeds: Equality Services

Law, I. (1996) Racism, Ethnicity and Social Policy, Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf

Modood T., Berthoud R. et al. (1997) Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage London: Policy Studies Institute